By Michael R. Aldrich

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The resourcefulness of the Smith regime, South African sympathy and indifferent support for sanctions by major British companies ensured that the policy failed in its primary objective. Wilson attempted to break the impasse by direct talks with Smith on British warships in the Mediterranean in 1966 and 1968 but without success. Edward Heath's foreign secretary, Lord Home, managed to negotiate a settlement with Smith in the early 1970s, but this was rejected in a referendum by a large majority of the black population whose leaders increasingly looked to a guerrilla campaign to secure majority rule.

5 That Thatcher should bear the brunt of these criticisms was not entirely fair, however, for they were fuelled by disappointments in areas under Carrington's purview. 6 And in March, David Spanier, commenting on a meeting of the House of Commons Select Committee, concluded that British foreign policy in the post-Afghanistan world presented 'a gloomy picture'. The only place in which it was actively promoting a policy, he maintained, was the Middle East, and here Carrington had fallen foul of the Israeli government.

For the former, the political implications and significance of joining such a group posed apparently insurmountable problems. The predisposition towards 'p ra S" matism' in the outlook of Conservative politicians and the Foreign Office alike led them to suspect that any scheme for creating a political authority over the European nations was doomed to failure and disappointment. Such a union would almost certainly founder on the rocks of the national sovereignties of the members and leave them feeling more hostile towards each other than if they had never attempted such an enterprise.

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A brief legal history of marihuana by Michael R. Aldrich

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